COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF QUESTION FORMATION IN Ọ̀WỌ́RỌ̀ AND ÀYÈRÉ

This study presents a comparative syntactic analysis of question formation in Ọ̀wọ̀rọ̀ and Àyèrè, two Yoruboid dialects spoken in Kogi State, Nigeria. It examines both Yes/No (polar) and WH- (content) interrogatives using data elicited from native speakers and analyzed within the framework of Government and Binding Theory (GBT). The analysis focuses on how each dialect structures interrogative constructions and the syntactic processes involved. In both dialects, Yes/No questions are formed by placing the interrogative particle ṣé at the clause-initial position, with no syntactic movement required. The declarative word order remains unchanged, though Àyèrè often renders the tense marker covert in interrogative clauses—a contrast to Ọ̀wọ̀rọ̀, where tense remains overt. For WH-questions, both dialects exhibit WH-movement, fronting interrogative elements to the [Spec, CP] position. Àyèrè employs interrogative forms such as tain (‘who’), kídé (‘what’), kíbi (‘where’), kíghi (‘when’), and kíse (‘why’), while Ọ̀wọ̀rọ̀ uses a similar but slightly expanded set including lehí (‘who’), lehọ (‘what’), kábi (‘where’), kàrí (‘when’), kóse (‘why’), and kàbì (‘how’). These WH-elements question various constituents, such as subjects, objects, locations, time expressions, reasons, and manner. Despite their typological similarity in strategy—particularly the use of WH-movement and interrogative particles—the dialects reveal subtle morphosyntactic differences, especially in tense marking and the lexical forms of WH-words. The findings enhance the understanding of interrogative structures in Yoruboid varieties and contribute to the broader documentation of syntactic variation in Nigerian languages