PORTRAIT OF WOMEN IN AKACHI ADIMORA-EZIGBO'S FRACTURES AND FRAGMENTS

CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION BACKGROUND TO THE STUDY One of the most interesting developments in human relationships is the abililty of a man, within a scope of acculturation, to have an ongoing, quasi - matrimonial relationship with a woman. Man exists in social groups which shape his attitudes and behaviors. This is not done haphazardly; instead each society, depending on its level of development, establishes mechanisms and structures for this purpose. Meanings are developed by actors in the process of interaction. This means that the subjective interpretations which individuals give to specific symbols are done within the social context1. Concubinage,as a symbol, represents the state of a woman in an ongoing, quasi - matrimonial relationship with a man of higher social status. Typically, the man has an official wife, and in addition, own or more concubines have limited rights of support from the man, and their offsprings are publicly acknowledged as the man's children, albeit of a lower status than children born by the official wife or wives, these legal rights distinguish a concubine from a wife. The term concubine generally signifies ongoing, quasi- matrimonial relationships where the woman is of lower social status than the man or the official wife or wives. Some Asian and European rulers maintained concubines as well as wives in centuries gone by. Historically, concubinage was frequently voluntary (by the girl and/or her family's arrangement), as it provided a measure of economic security for the woman involved. Involuntary, or service, concubinage sometimes involved sexual subordination of one member of the relationship, typically the woman, being a pleasure or comfort partner to the man. Where it had a legal status, as in ancient Rome, concubinage was akin, although inferior to marriage. In opposition to some existing laws, traditional Western laws did not acknowledge the legal status of concubines, but only admitted monogamous marriages. Any other relationship did not enjoy legal protection; the woman was necessarily a mistress. In earlier historical times when marriage laws had scarcely advanced beyond the purely customary stage, the concubine was definitely recognised as a sort of inferior wife, differing from those of the first rank mainly by the absence of permanent guarantees. The history of Abraham's family shows us clearly that the concubine might be dismissed at any time, and her children were equally liable to be cast off summarily with gifts, in order to leave the inheritance from for the wife's sons. The Roman law recognized two classes of legal marriage; (I) with the definite public ceremonies of confarreadio or coemptio, and (ii) without any public form whatever and resting merely on the affection maritails, the fixed intention of taking a particular woman as a permanent spouse. Next to these strictly lawful marriages came concubinage as a recognised legal status, so long as the two parties were not married and had no other concubines. It differed from the formless marriage in the absence of affection maritails and therefore of full conjugal rights. For instance, the concubine was not raised, like the wife, to her husband's rank, nor were her children legitimate, though they enjoyed legal rights forbidden to mere bastards, the father was bound to maintain them and to leave them ( in the absence of legitimate children) owe -sixth of his property, moreover, they might be fully legitimated by the subsequent marriage of their parents. In the East, Emperor Leo the philosopher (d.911) insisted on formal marriage as the only legal status; but in the Western Empire concubinage was still recognised even by the Christian Emperors. The early Christians had naturally preferred the formless marriage of the Roman law as being free from all taint of pagan idolatry;and the ecclesiastical authorities recognised concubinage also. The first Council of Toledo (398) bids the faithful to restrict himself "to a single wife or concubines, as it shall please him", and there is a similar Canon of the Roman Synod held by Pope Eugenius in 826 even as late as the Roman Councils of 1052 and 1063,the suspension from communion of laymen who had a wife and a concubine at the same time implies that mere concubinage as tolerated. It was also recognised by many early civil cods. In Germany "left handed" or "Morganatic" marriages were allowed by the salic law between nobles and women of lower rank. In different states of Spain the laws of the latter middle ages recognised concubinage. The difference between English and Scottish law, which once made "Gretonna Green marriages" so frequent, is due to the fact that Scotland adopted the Roman law (which on this particular point was followed by the whole individual church). Gratian, in the 12th century, tried to explain this away by assuming that concubinage here referred to mean a formless marriiage, but in 398 a church council can scarcely so have misused the technical terms of the then current civil law (Gratian, Decretum). Under the name of barragamia, the contract being lifelong, the woman obtaining by it a right of maintenance during life, and sometimes also to part of the successsion, and the sons ranking as nobles if their father was a noble. In Leland, the concubine was recognized in addition to the lawful wife, though it was forbidden that they should well in the same house. The Norwegian law of the later middle ages provided definitely that in default of legitimate sons, the kingdom should descend to illegitimates. In the Danish Code of Valdemar II, which was in force from 1280 to 1683, it was provided that a concubine kept openly for three years shall thereby become a legal wife; this was the custom of hand vesten. The "hand fasting" of the English and Scottish border, which appears in Scott's monastery. In Scotland, the laws of Willam the Lion (d. 1214) speak of concubinage as a recognised institution; and in the same century, the great English legist Bracton treats the "Concubine legitima" as entitled to certain rights. There seems to have been at times a pardonable confusion between some quasi- legitimate unions and those marriages by mere word of mouth, without ecclesiastical or other things CHAPTER TWO CONCUBINAGE IN NGWA-LAND When it comes to studying the history of women and concubinage as an institution in most parts of Africa, many road - blocks prevent the historian from producing a coherent narrative. The history of women in Igboland in particular and Nigeria as a whole has not been adequately studied. In the past, such neglect reflected the general state of African historiography. Focus on visible political institutions diplomatic events, and intellectual currents of the high, as opposed to the popular culture, long confined the field of inquiry to upper class makes at the expense of studying the roles those of another class or gender played in the historical process. Even now, as a new generation of historians in Africa and the west direct their attention to the social economic history of the region and being studying the history and culture of social classes such as peasants, urban craftsmen, and casual laborers, whose history and culture remained obscure and irrelevant to the African historian, our women have not received adequate attention part of the problem surely springs from basic misconceptions about women's history and it's relations to social and economic history as a whole. Women have always been numerically important in human populations, a sufficiently compelling reason perhaps to explore their past. But full significance of the study of women lies elsewhere. The history of women demands an immediate awareness of a multitude of forces, institutions and activities which elude analysis at the level of official political overview. Rather, the world of informal networks, popular culture and the basic forces of production and reproduction define the arena of women's activities, and therefore, women's studies. Origins The world of choice for "concubine in Ngwa discourse today is either "Iko" or "Oyi". Concubinage is a very culturally specific concept. The word has been used to refer to the sexual or romantic relations existing between a man and a woman who is not his wife; between a married woman and another man (not her husband) or between an unmarried woman or widow and her lover. In all these cases, concubinage could be synonymous with adultery or with sustained sexual relationships between a man and woman who are not, in any formal sense, married. The institution of the Obi of Onitsha was said to have highly influenced Ngwa-land most especially that of traditional institutions.¹ Since the Obi of Onitsha is not permitted to have additional wives after he ascends to the throne, it is instructive that concubinage, and adultery, as such, are not explicitly mentioned in the constitution. Women of course, had the independent right to seek sexual gratification (and children) from man or from men (of their choosing). It was only a matter of time before "Oyi" would take on the special meaning of mistress, or concubine. But, as is evident from contemporary usage, the same qualifications are tenable with "Iko" (Ikom nwoke; "Ikom Nwanyi'); it is almost certain that associations and relationships which would have been described by the words "Iko" and "Oyi" in the areas of Igboland would have simply been assigned to the word "enyi" in most parts of central Igboland and in particular Ngwa-land². Again, in Ngwa-land among some male adults, their general attitude to sex following, marked distinct norms. Marriages were generally polygamous as the main substinence crop (yam cultivation) weeded so many hands, and sometimes their concubines will be needed for such activities. It was not surprising when Chief Ogbonna A; traced the origin of concubinage in Ngwaland to that of polygamy and stated that the institution is as old as polygamy. He contributed, that so far that men were allowed to marry as many wives as possible in Ngwaland, they were also influenced in having concubines, depending on their socio- economic status3. Ben Nwaja from Osisioma Ngwa, said that since many research work looks into the pre-colonial times, he will make his contributions from there. To him, the origin of concubinage in Ngwa land could be traced from female slaves that existed in the study area in the pre colonial times as some of them were used as concubines and that the establishment of British rule in Nigeria (1897 - 1903) did not ameliorate the condition of female slaves, particularly concubines. For the British, the treatment of women was not an important issue and there was virtually no reluctance in accepting the status quo to the extent that other polices allowed. The problem was that concubines were slaves, and British policy was committed to the reform and ultimate demsie of slavery. This article explores the patriarchal society and British Colonialism over the status of women. Concubinage was allowed to continue. It is apparent that women had to accept their subjugation, but sometimes they resisted⁴. According to Okezie, concubinage is as old as some of our cultural practices in Ngwaland. Since you don't have any prohibition to the practice in Ngwaland, it has been a continuous practice, so one cannot say it started by this time or infact the origin in the study area is not clearly defend or known⁵. Chief Arungwa in his own contribution stated or noted that it could be difficult tracing when having 'concubines' started in Ngwa, because the practice is as old as polygamy. He posits that provided that men in the study area do marry as many wives they wish to marry that having concubines was very easy as some of them later turn to become wives. He stated that provided that the man had the financial means to take care of his lovers at the same time his family, he will continue having concubines as there is no cultural hindrance to this and it provided him the opportunity to satisfy his sexual desires in case he is having problems with his wives⁶. Samuel Orji of Umuokereke Ngwa, believes that concubinage institution has been a cultural thing in Ngwa and has since then provided the men the opportunity to prove their financial worth among the women. To him, the origin may not be known but it is as old as prostitution and afford the women the chance of having 'oyi' (lovers) when they desire. He pointed out that others might have learnt that through the traditional leaders as some of them had concubines and still practice it today to have women as friends and lovers so that nothing will be lacking in their palaces if their wives misbehaves most especially when they like changing women as often and on as the case may be as they have the financial means to do so⁷. Types and contractual procedures in Ngwaland Research conducted have shown that there could not be types of concubinage in Ngwa land but the various contractual processes could identify the means of having concubines. During my interview with Nwaguru, it has discovered that the right of women to our property at times invariably led to the right to establish relations among the men for their protection and recognition in Ngwaland. Such relationships he posited, could lead to sexual relationships depending on the choice of both parties and it does not matter if they are married. To him, these may not be types as he sees them as ordinary concubines who might be these for sexual reasons and as well as economic/ financial reasons⁸ An important feature of the Ngwa family is it's pragmatic, flexible, but principled code of sexual conduct. It does not follow from this, of course, that women were never unfaithful in marriage; nor would it be right to suppose that no secret sexual relationships existed between men and other men's wives. Such a relationship would properly qualify to be called adultery,and would have been dealt with as such. The point being made is that adultery (as herein defined for Igbo society) was more than a law of persons; it was a law of the Earth. It was not the physical sexual affair that was at issue, but the breach of trust and rights involved in a relationship that was not consensual between the two sets of parties affected by the conduct. In this sense, adultery required more than the forgiveness of the injured party to remedy the desecration⁹. Nwabueze Ochiri, in his own argued that concubinage in Ngwa could be of social type as it brings two or more people together or sometimes secretive as the parties involved might indulge in it . Such practices might not be noticed by the people as some of the concubines pose as wives to theese men and shares some of the farming activities with them as the case may be ⁹. He gave an example of one Chief Ogidi of Iheorji, Ahiaba in the Obingwa Local Government Area married to over forty wives with about fifteen to twenty concubines. These wives and concubines helped to cultivate the barns of yam which this man had in his time¹⁰. Infact, having a wife was the first step towards development and manhood.¹¹ Thus, a young man with good and well -to- do parents usually had a wife in time. According to Omenihu, the practice of having concubine or the contractual process could start from these as the man has been introduced to a woman. Lone sons were given wives from infancy and often such wives outgrew their husbands. Women were regarded as secondary partners in the household. To that extent the process of marrying more than one wife could entice or lead an Ngwa man to start having concubines, especially when he feels that he has had enough children from his wives. Chidi, a village farmer in Ihie¹², Ugwunagbo local government, contributed from the domestic side of it that concubines in Ngwa tends to exist as they render help to their respective partners through working in the farms. For him, the contract may not necessarily be to produce children but to exist in the area of farming to enable them an generate income and family¹³. Research in the study area has shown that women were used to do clearly defined domestic jobs and other chores which they presumed weaker nature of theirs required. Thus, bush clearing,palm fruits cutting, palm wine tapping, pit digging, war, et cetera, were purely masculine affairs. Incestuous sexual affairs here severely punished, with libations and sacrifices made to the mother earth (Aka) whole surface had been polluted (Iru ala). Ingredients of sacrifice for appeasing the mother earth included, goats, sheep, dog and tortoise . The culprits we're often brought out completely naked in the public before the rituals were started. After the rituals, they would, with their backs, enter their compounds. Incest was thus regarded with abhorrence no matter how one was lured. Thus, one's sister, mother, father, sister - in-law, brother - in-law, daughter, son etcetera; was never to be touched no matter how beaut6or handsome¹⁴, This argument or belief,, was supported by Mr. China, a teacher with Aba South L.G.A., when he said during my interview with him, that the process of having concubines in Ngwa does not permit the man to use his family members as this is regarded as evil but he will go as far as outside his community to choose his concubines. To him, the contractual process does not require the man to organize any ceremony or call his people together to witness any formalization of the union as they are not his official wives or married to him. It could be on a part time basis to satisfy him sexually or for a particular reason best known to the man¹⁵. This argument was supported by Mrs. Edozie, when she contributed that women who becomes concubines to men in Ngwa know the reason while they decide to go into the practice but that there is no ceremony or gathering to prove this. As far as she is concerned, it is unofficial and that only the parties involved should take responsibilities of their actions at any time because no one was told¹⁶. It might be argued that the formalization of the institutions of "Iko" or "Oyi" followed upon certain structural changes in the status of women within certain regions of Igbo land (that of Ngwaland inclusive), and that this development, in conjunction with the pressure of Christian ideas of marriage and the urbanization which created a class of women engaged in the sex-trade, have contributed to the emergence of the terms as words for a host of sexually related forms of misconduct from concubinage, adultery, and fornication, prostitution, and even rape. At the basic level, all three words mean "friend", and when applied to relationships with the opposite sex), "lover". In current Igbo usage, "Iko" and "Oyi" carry with them stronger suggestions of illicit affairs than does "enyi" (Friend). Still, all three terms, like the English words, "Lover", always had the potential for being used in the rather special circumstances of illicit or suspect relationships, in contexts that, in English, would translate to mistress or paramour. Indeed, because such relationships are of a special kind, the "Iko" and "Oyi" would be expected to function in a parallel mode along side the regular culturally -endorsed and sanctioned institutions of marriage, including, of course,polygamous marriage. And precisely for this reason, the perceived (and potentially disruptive) importance of extra-marital relationships would be appropriately higher than the normal traditional institutions of marriage¹⁷. When therefore, the rights being injured are differently defined or conceived, as (for example) when the woman has the right to her own body or to her own children, as happened with spinsters (that is , unma women who remained in their Father's home), and widows not claimed by their husbands' relations... when, in other words, the woman became accountable to herself, primarily, for the control and regulation of her sexual activities -concubinage was certain to increase, and the institution to gain social prominence and even respectability. To this extent, the practice of men keeping concubines will still continue because it provides and avenue for various kinds of sexual networking for both men and women. While men tend to enjoy most benefits, the practice of concubinage serves women too. It helps widows who desire to have children;it is a means for seeking extra - marital sexual fulfillment by some men and women; and it is used by somé women and as a means of obtaining material benefits¹⁸. ENDNOTES 1. Okonjo Kaneme, Dual sex political System n operation; Igbo women and community Politics (Ibadan: Ibadan University Press, 1976), PP. 45 - 48 2. M.J. C Echeruo,The Natural History of Igbo Concubinage: Iko, Oyi and Enyi (Syracuse; Syracuse University Press, 1977), PP. 76 - 79 3. Oral Interview with A.E Ogbonna, Council Chairman, Ndiolumgbe Autonomous Community in Isiala Ngwa South, 14/4/23 4. Ben Nwaja, interviewed on 18/4/23 at Ngwa Youth hall, Umungasi, Aba. 5. Chief Okezie Akomas, interviewed on 01/03/22 at Ngwa Youth hall, Umungasi Aba. 6. M. Arungwa Jr., interviewed on 2/3/23 at Obohia, Aba South. 7. Oral Interview the Samuel Ori, teacher, Umuokereke Ngwa Community Secondary School, 2/3/23 8. Oral Interview with Okey Nwachukwu, Lecturer, Isiala Ihie Autonomous Community in Ugwunagbo, 22/3/23 9. G. T Basden, Among the Ibo of Nigeria (1921) (London: Frank Cass, 1966), PP. 68-69. 10. N. Ochiri, interviewed n 03/03/23 at Iheorji, Obingwa. 11. Christopher Omenihu, interviewed on 5/4/23 at Ohanze, Obingwa. 12. Chidi Ohia, interviewed on 5/4/23 at Ihie Ugwunagbo. 13. G. A. Nwaneri, interviewed on 5/4/23 at Aba North Council hall. 14. E. N. Akwaranwa, A politico - cultural History of Ngwa and Ukwa People of Abia State (Owerri: Government Printers, 1988), PP. 97 -99. 15. Oral Interview with K. China, teacher, community girls in Aba South 6/4/23 16. Oral Interview h Mrs. Gloria Edozie, Trader in New Market, Aba, 5/4/23 17. M.J.C Echeruo, 1977, PP. 49-51. 18. V. C. Uchendu, "concubinage among Ngwa Igbo of Southern Nigeria" in the journal of the international African Institute Vol.2 (35), 1965, PP. 187 - 189 CHAPTER THREE Perceptions and misperceptions of concubinage in Ngwaland There are cultural and traditional differences on what constitutes the practice of having concubines in communities in Igboland and in particular Ngwaland. Societal response to this will have cultural variations and perspectives. Also, since community attitudes; socio- cultural norms and values largely shape perceptions and response to this institution,they are critical issues to be understood and considered in strategy and programme planning to tackle such issues. 1. Perceptions from within These perceptions are rooted in the cultural, religious and societal norms that assign gender roles, rights and responsibilities. Ejiofor describes it vividly in his anthropological study of the area; the father is the accepted head of the family. He is censorious of it and he strongly lays down the general policy in all matters affecting the family. The mother is the heart of the home, the procreator and governess of the house. For all major needs, she gets the necessary funds from the father who controls the family's economy. The man's first boast is the ability to run a family. He takes direct charge of his own family and does not accept dictation or bróok interference which might likely necessitate the urge off seeking extra-marital affair outside the home². During my field work within the study area, I discovered that people sided this argument with different reasons. According to Chief Ufomba, these concubines, that is those women that engage in such practice might have come from a poor background and lacking good training. To him, no girl from a descent family in Ngwa land will go into such practice a such will damage the family reputation³. Mr. Akomas in Umuiroma village see concubinage as a practice that should be condemned as it exposes girls into waywardness and often denies then marriage. Such practice is perceived as an act related to harlotry and poses danger to people that are married as it could scatter their marriages. To him, the practice should be discouraged so that our men should be faithful to their wives at all times⁴. Engr. Nwoke Okoroukwu, explicitly pointed out that concubinage practice in Ngwa-land had in those days sent a lot of women away from their marital homes either as a result of constant quarrel with their husbands who kept concubines or with the ladies they perceived as concubines to their men." The practice might be satisfactory to partners who are into it but too risky for a responsible marriage to stand" he maintained. Concubinage practice, just as in any other place could be as a result of poverty or proper training of female folk who practice the act and such practices should be discouraged to avoid increase of societal decadence in our communities⁵. Barrister Francis Eze on his own said that girls/women who are concubines to our traditional rulers, chieffs and other wealthy men in Ngwaland do so either because they are not brought up in Christian family or trained properly or because of poverty. Their parents failed to give these girls good training or education as they are perceived to be liberates. "No educated girl or woman will like to satisfy a man sexually all the time who he is not married to" he continued. That act is perceived as adultery and you know it leads to infidelity. Madam Blessing Uboaja, a trader, explains that Ngwa people respects tradition and that due to modernization and level of education, the way traditional wedding ceremonies are well conducted in Ngwaland is a sign to men to desist from such practices and be faithful their wives to avoid disciplinary sanctions or measures from the elders as they see such practices as too risky to scare away their wives "I wonder which woman like me will allow her husband to keep concubines without complaining against it" she said⁷. For Mrs.Nwankwo, the women who engages into concubinage practice might have learnt that from their fathers who engaged in such practice in time past or are still into the practice, such might be the reason, these people were not brought up in a properly manner8. This argument from this side of perception could allow one to believe that t is seen that this practice has become or has been a threat to marriage in Ngwaland and just like adultery could necessitate breaking of marriages. From another angle, the perception of male dominance and female subordination to men has been observed in many parts of Ngwa-land as a leading point to the concubinage institution in the area. The man's supremacy is further predicated in the payment of dowry, or bride price, a process that conveys and confirms the right of ownership and the duty of care and control over the wife and the children. It also initiates the man to legitimate fatherhood or manhood (di bi uno)⁹. On the other hand, it subordinates the woman as "something acquired". This is explicitly manifested and glamorized during the marriage ceremony n Ngwa culture;when the young lady has to kneel in a symbolic gesture of submission while presenting a cup of palm wine to her would be husband during the traditional wedding ceremony. The women expressed the perception and consciousness of ownership by their husband repeatedly. The implication is that women feels obliged to obey, subscribe and succumb to her husband's desires at all times. Nwaguru, contributed that provided Ngwa men marry as any wives as possible, the perception is that since such men could manage as many women within their homes, the temptation f keeping concubines could be there if they wish to do so, especially when they are not restricted by their wives to do so¹⁰. Eze Ogbonnaya in Obi- Ohabiam, Aba South, agrees that the practice of concubinage in the study area is on because of the way women are being perceived by some men. Some men you will agree, bark and beat their wives even in the public. Such act poses as threats and as a result scares women away from the men which eventually allow them to do what they intend doing at a particular one without by restriction from their wives. So when they decided to keep concubines, they are not restricted, therefore as far as they are concerned, the practice goes on¹¹. Ken Onyekachi maintains that women are atimes seen or perceived as sex objects which makes some men who see them as such go after them in such manners especially when they see no opposition restriction from anybody. They go the length of making them their concubines. Men, who are not faithful to their wives or women who are not faithful to their husbands are often engaged in such practices to satisfy their extra-marital sexual desires. To him, the men have the upper hand as they control their wives who are incapacitated in restricting their men (husbands) into such practices and admits that women who are caught by their husbands to be somebody else concubine could be sent home by their men when they desire¹². Mr. Ekeoma on his own, said that men are normally the ones who indulge in such practice as their women (wives) may be there watching but cannot react against them as they are seen as the owners of the house. He cited one example of one titled Chief in his area who has kept concubines before he died not regarding whether he is married to three wives. The concubines occasionally visited him and he used to have one apartment for them and sends for them when he desired. This practice went on because he had no restriction from the wives. Infact to him, he sees it as a means of satisfying ones sexual desires outside of marriage due to the man's supremacy over his in the wives as the case may be¹³ Furthermore, religious norms and techniques seems likely in supporting female subjugation and subordination. The Pauline discussion on marriage and the code of Canon law explicity forbid divorce or exit from marriage. It also regards remarried divorced women as adulteresses who should be denied Christian Church rites and privileges. The Bible story of the creation of a woman as a helper from the rib of a man and Paul's exhortation to "wives to be submissive to their husband" summarize the Christian religious teaching¹⁴. Umuezurike has observed that the inequality is even more severe and more strictly observed in Islam and traditional religions. It seems therefore, that the three major world religions maintain and practice inequality of men and women as fundamental doctrine. To him therefore, the perception or the basis of the existence of the practice of having concubines stems from the subordination of women within the study area. I extended the research further when I decided to seek the views of four persons in the study area on this argument or assertion, who in their respective opinions believe that the religious belief or believe of people could contribute to the practice as belief differs. Sir Uzoma, expressed that the religious teaching that women should be submissive to men, makes the men to play primary role in the home and dictate much of the activities and even if they like to bring in their concubines, no body will challenge them as the owners of the house¹⁵. He maintained that however, such techniques do not permit that one should start misbehaving to the extent of becoming unfaithful to their wives¹⁶. Mrs Akachi I've believes that the teaching has allowed the women to play the secondary role and always be obedient to their husbands. She maintains that some men, who want to satisfy their extra -marital desires use this supremacy to dominate and always do what they wanted to do. But those who have the fear of God do respect their marriages¹⁷. To Peter Ekeoma, some men do use their supremacy in the house to play game outside and do bring concubines irrespective of their wives and children, because nobody will raise alarm on them¹⁸. Ezichi believes that mean who want to keep concubines, at times do not respect their religious beliefs or teachings but with their power of supremacy over their wives indulge in extra- marital sex with their concubines. One can see the perception of concubinage in the study area from the angle of male dominance or supremacy in the house¹⁹. It is important to observe that process of gender socialization and assignment of gender roles being from birth in the study area. At the announcement of the birth of a male child, the women sing folk -songs that invite a man who has a gun to fire it: "onye ji egbe gbaa nga", meaning "He who has a gun, let him fire". In contrast, however, at the birth of a female baby, a person with money is invited: Onye ji ego gbaa nga, meaning; "He who has money, let him come forth". The response to the birth of the male child pre- announces a person who has authority to live in the house and protect his family, while that of the girl child invites rich suitors. The gender socialization process goes from childhood and breeds women subjection. Before adulthood, the gender stereotypes and gender - defined roles become the accepted way of life and standard. The female children help their mothers with domestic work, while the male children relax with their fathers awaiting meals after the day's work, even if both the men and women went to work in the farm and came back together. However, although the women were complacent and seemed to condone partner - violence and at the same time allow their husbands maintain concubines, they were conscious of the fact that after all, the woman owns the day. They described this as "Uwa Mgbede" (Life in the evening time). "He who laughs last laughs best". This forms an important copying mechanism or motivation for not exiting marriage by the women folk. This perception is anchored on two points. Firstly, because the men are generally older than their wives in the study area, they are likely to age faster, become weaker and less obtrusive and domineering. At this stage, they will change and succumb to the more active wife who now provides care. Secondly, children are most often aligned to their mothers when they grow to adulthood. Among the Igbo, it is a common joke that adult sons and daughters usually resents gifts of the tobacco snuff and spirits to their fathers as the case may be, while they offer cloths and money and holiday trips to their mothers. The adult children provide extra care for their mothers as well as protection against threats of violence from their fathers. This is a gender orientated practice that favors women and serves as a motivation for the women to condone or be complacent with domestic violence and allow the existence of concubines even in their matrimonial homes²⁰. Again, the attitude of not reporting domestic violence to the police also follows the cultural norms and tradition that sanction reporting family issues to law enforcement agents. Reporting one's husband to the police is viewed as an affront to the husband and disrespect to family members and elders whose extended family member -roles include arbitrating in such matters. Besides, the people see this act of reporting to the police authorities as a punitive measure aimed at creating unnecessary conduit for wastage of husband's funds, as police officers are perceived to be only interested in extorting money from the man rather than in prosecuting him. The woman is also at the risk of being stigmatized as being 'too civilized' (Owata Anya), a derogatory remark that implicates her as a culture deviant, thereby putting her in double jealousy of losing the existing marriage and having slim chances of remarrying. She might find it difficult to exit the marriage because she needs the support of her family members, who are traditionally bound to refund the bride price if the marriage fails. Such support is very rare because it has serious financial implications on the woman's father. He is likely to refund the bride price on his daughter and pay back other traditional marriage expenses. On the other hand, if a man sends his wife away, he will wait until the woman gets another husband before he can ask for a refund of the dowry he paid. These traditional marriage processes are aimed to discourage divorce and then stabilize marriage. On the other hand, it could hinder woman from exiting turbulent or violent relations, especially the ones that tolerate concubines²¹. Although the women interviewed recognised and admitted that violence affects their reproductive and mental health, they could not respond appropriately to free themselves due to cultural constraints. This suggests the need for an enabling environment to help the women meet such challenges. In another sense, the people of Ngwa believes that their local traditions and culture should be respected and followed as regards to marriage and family²². Marriage pattern in Ngwaland is mostly monogamous, with few polygamous marriages and since the introduction of Christian churches in the study area most people tend to maintain marrying one wife. Traditionally as the case may be, there are other peculiar marriage practices or a system of expanding family name and ties among the people, such as wife inheritance (ihachi Nnwanyi). This system allows a daughter to be kept to bear children, when asked why? Elder Nwabueze and Mr. Chidi Njoku said that in the time past, this was noticed when the family don't have a male-child, so in order to allow the family name to continue one of the daughters could be allowed to give birth within the family and child or children will bear that family name²³. Ezichi remarks that such practices marked those women who are engaged in these things as concubines as this is the general perspectives of such acts in the area. The cultural significance is to allow the women to expand or cause the continuation of their families instead of the closure of such families and also to enjoy the privileges of womanhood within the cultural space of the community²⁴. 2. Misperceptions by non- indigenes Just as it is said that no system of government is necessarily the best, so also it can be said that all things being equal, no system of marriage is necessarily the best. This appears to be the way non-indigenes see the practice of concubinage among the Ngwa. To some non-Ngwa people, monogamy could be the prevalent institution in parts of the world, but this does not mean it has not got it's defect. Infact monogamy is a lofty ideal to be aspired to, but it's practice is so imperfect that at times it would seem better to legalise polygamy and allow men to exercise their right of hosting the opposite sex in intimate relationships. This could be a speculation but in religious terms or norms many do not accept the practice and thereby condemn the justification for its practice. My fieldwork interview among non-indigenes indicated that some of their views vary. While some see it as process/pattern to satisfy their extra marital sexual desires and to some to raise children if their wives do not have children for them. Okoroafor,²⁵ examined the perception from the childless point of view "Ngwa men may decide to keep concubines who may later have children for them when their wives could not give birth to children" he said. If someone is married for years without a child, the person might be tempted to try his manhood elsewhere, may be write his "lover"(concubine) to see whether he will get a child from her²⁶. Emeka seems to support this view in his contribution that Ngwa men could be tempted to keep concubines in order to have children outside their matrimonial homes for those whose wives are barren. You know also that some women do desire to have children but when they are married, they may become men's concubines for this purpose²⁷. Obinwanwe examines the institution of concubinage in the study area as developmental occurrence from the angle of satisfying one's extra marital sexual desires and if in case there is need to have children either for the woman or the man, they could make the choice for themselves²⁸. From another angle, Uchenna believes that for things he has known Ngwa for, the practice of concubinage in the area might be an avenue or a process of showcasing one's wealth and affluence. To him, some that have more than one wife or two, three as the case may be, do have concubines, so it may be a procedure to show how rich one may be in Ngwaland²⁹ Franklin from Owerri, have the perception that people in the study area who keep concubines do so with their money. Consider, the fact to marry one wife, you will have that financial independence at least to take care of her and children then the case of having many "lovers" (concubines) could be demanding³⁰. Kingsley seems to support his view when he examined the perception of the practice from the angle of financial capability of the men involved. To him, keeping women as lovers could involve finance and except the man is financially capable, it could be difficult these days31. In Igbo community,there are views from non-indigenes that not every people accept the idea/ view that a man should have only one wife. It has been observed that whereas each husband married one wife, a man of fair means could marry two or more and is also allowed to maintain concubines in order to make himself socially important. To these people interviewed, as far as polygamy is concerned, there are various reasons why an Ngwa man may want to possess more than one wife and at the same time maintain concubines. According to their views, a man must refrain from intercourse with a woman who is pregnant or nursing. Among some so-called savages, women age early and lose their attraction for men. Furthermore, men like change and quite often, the barrenness of the first wife could lead to keeping a concubine in conditions namely, where great value is placed on posterity. For them, this is adopted for economic, social, sexual and other reasons32. Judging from all these views from non- indigenes, it is not only for economic reasons or to have children that have resulted into this misperception. Because the Ngwa man kept concubines as men can see as a result of make supremacy in order to prove their worth among women. Today however, a change of attitude may be noticed among the Ngwa people. Emenike, noted that, it takes more time, more money, and more anxiety to bring up children than it did in the past. That would have effects to concubinage practice in Ngwaland not necessarily of the economic reasons as viewed from non-indigenes. Moreover, the Christian religion which has thrived in Igboland teaches that true marriage is monogamous and that polygamy must be abandoned 33. Therefore, the present change of attitude towards polygamy is not merely due to the defects inherent in polygamy as such, but also due to contact with Western Civilization, and education with emphasis on higher standards of living and the impact of the Christian religon. ENDNOTES 1. A.L. Ilika, " Women's perception of partner violence in a Rural Igbo Community" The Journal of Reproductive Health Vol. 9, 2005,, PP. 77- 78 2. Ejiofor, "women perception f girl -status in Ngwa communities", inter Jsoc/policy studies 4 (2): 73-74. 3. Chief I. A Ufomba, interviewed on 04/2/2023 at Aba South 4. Mr. Ben Akoma, interviewed on 06/2/2023 Umuiroma in Obingwa. 5. Engr Nwoke Okoroukwu, interviewed on 06/2/2023 at his residence in Uratta, Aba South. 6. Oral Interview ith Francis Eze, legal practitioner in Aba North L.G.A., 08/2/2023 7. Blessing Uboaja (Mrs), interviewed on 16/2/2023 at Ogbor Hill, Obingwa L.G.A 8. Mma Nwankwo (Mrs), interviewed n 17/2/2023 in Osisioma Ngwa. 9. C. Ejiofor, "women perception f girl status inNgwa Communities", PP. 73- 74 10. Oral Interview with E. N. Nwaguru, 19/2/2023 11. Oral Interview with Eze Ogbonnaya, traditional Ruler, Obi-Ohiabiam in Aba South, 23/2/2023 12. Ken Onyekachi, interviewed on 05/03/2023 at Ogbor Hill, Aba. 13. B. C. Ekeoma, interviewed at Aba town hall, Aba South L.G. A on 23/2/2023 14. A. L.Ilika, 2005, P. 81 15. I. A. Umuezurike and Oby Nwankwo, (eds), Convention on the Elimination of all forms of discrimination against women and current themes in the domestication of Human Rights norms in Nigeria (Enugu: Forth Dimension, Press, 2001, PP. 123 -125. 16. Uzoma Ibonacho, interviewed on 26/2/2023 at Ala Oji, Aba South. 17. Mrs. Akachi I've, interviewed on 26/2/20223 at Umunkama in Osisioma Ngwa 18. Peter Ekeoma, interviewed at Aba town hall, in Aba South L.G.A on 28/2/2023 19. Mr. Friday Ezichi, interviewed on 28/2/2023 at Osisioma Central Police station 20. Chris Okengbo, "prevalence, patterns and correlates of domestic violence in selected Igbo Communities" The Journal of Reproductive Health Vol. 6 (2), 2002, PP. 101 - 104 Ibid, 2002, 109 -111. 21. Uchem Rose, overcoming women's subordination in the Igbo Culture (Lagos: Catholic Publishers, 1998), PP. 36-38 22. Oral Interview with Nwabueze and Chidi Njoku, traditional councilors, Ndiulonbe in Isiala Ngwa South on 30/2/2023 23. Ezichi Nwani, interviewed on 30/2/2023 in Isiala Ngwa South L.G.A 24. Akubueze Egejuru, The paradox of women being and the Female principle in Igbo cosmology (Enugu: fourth Dimension Press, 2002), PP. 64-65 25. Oral Interview with Chidi Okoroafor, a contractor with PARN CONST. Owerri, on 31/2/2023 26. Emeka Ubani, interviewed n 31/2/2023 at Olive clinics in Aba 27. C. Obinwanwe, interviewed on 1/3/2023 at Nepa Quarters, Aba. 28. Uchenna Nwankwo, interviewed on 7/3/2023 at B.Y. C Port Harcourt, Rivers State. 29. Franklin Okoro, interviewed on 9/3/2023 at Amakohia in Imo state. 30. Kingsley Ogba, interviewed on 6/3/2023 at Nipost, central park, Aba. 31. Theresa Joseph, women in Igbo life and thought (Nigeria: kab publishers, 1999) PP. 81-83 32. Emenike Nwagboso, interviewed on 06/03/2023 at phase one computers, P.H road, Aba. CHAPTER FOUR IMPACT OF THE INSTITUTION/ PRACTICE ON NGWA SOCIETY AND CULTURE The problem is identified as rooted in the male headship model of gender and social relations. The paradigm for change located in the Ngwa culture is egalitarianism and dual sex structure, as well as women's solidarity and collective power. What this entails is that the practice brings about or sets out to show, firstly, that there is a relationship between women's subordination in Ngwa culture epitomized by male -headship model of family, civil and church life; and ultimately symbolized by women's exclusion from celebrating public sacramental ritual (Eucharist) as in the Catholic, church and (the kola nut) in the Ngwa culture. Secondly, this apparent similarity nullifies and suppresses affirmations of women's dignity present in both the Ngwa culture and in the Catholic Church's teaching. Thirdly, women's subordination reinforces those apsects of Ngwa culture and socially makes them oppressive to women1. Negative impact: As indicated earlier in this study, the issue of women's subordination is a global phenomenon, wearing different fades of marginalization in different degrees and in different parts of the world. Thus, contrary to appearances, women's subordination is not peculiar to Africa or the Igbo society. While the Western world now appears to have advanced more in ensuring gender equality in the home and in the labour market, make supremacy and a mentality of gender dichotomy of labor persists in Europe and the United States. In other words, while marginalization has fairly reduced, their cultural subordination, which is the source of women's marginalization, is very much in place both in concrete reality2. Nwaguru noted that in Ngwa land, a situation whereby a man has access to three women as concubines and at the same time has a wife or wives could lead to the abuse. He noted their desires outside of sex might not be satisfied and a breach of contract could result, leading to maltreatment from the man. There is not a way the main man could meet the "needs" of these women who may be depended on him. This situation has a negative implication because it may eventually lead to a condition were the women will fight among themselves and at the end harm themselves for material reasons3. Mr Emmanuel Ezenwa, on his own contribution that concubinage practice in Ngwa land has led to a situation where the women are marginalized as they have "no say" in the Ngwa community in certain occasions. He said that a situation where they are mere lovers or seen as 'gold diggers' have socially and culturally left no room for them as they were not officially or traditional married to these men as the case may be4. Justifying this development, Mrs. Stella Uloma believes that series of marital strife between the man and his wife/wives. To her, a situation where the man usually sends his wife out of the house all the time portrays marginalization of women, may be the man's concubine will come in to usurp the wife's privileges in that same house as a result of her absence5. A distinction must be made between subordination. "Women's subordination" refers to cultural claims and customs, which maintain that men are primary and pre-eminent , and that women are secondly, subordinate and under men's control. It is a belief, which excludes women from public leadership of family, church and society, most especially, from decision making and from officiating at cultic/ ritual and political leadership positions. Subordination is distinguished from marginalization in that the latter is an offshoot of the former. Thus, women's marginalization amounts to their being relegated to the periphery and margins of society economically, socially and political as a result of subordination to men6. Eze Nwaguru maintains that it is this notion that propels men in Ngwa land to indulge in this practice of having concubines, which often turn out to be detrimental to their marriages as they can send their wives packing if they refuse to be subordinate to their decisions. He also stresses that the damage is not only observed in the marriage but affects the role of women in other public or social events in the communities. They are relegated because their men will not like them to appear in those social functions as they use such occasions to bring their concubines, who they will not like their wives to see, as the case may be7. Okechukwu Daniel attributed it as social injustice to women as this could lead to sexual abuse and a situation where they are not allowed to express their concerns and worries to the people. Culturally, this could be detrimental as women are not given equal rights in social meetings and through which their ideas in community building could be tapped by various communities in Ngwa land8. Politically, Friday Nworu examines the negative impact of concubinage in Ngwa land from short supply of ideas to rightful occupation of political positions meant to be handled by women who are intelligent enough. He expressed that a situation where women become concubines to men in Ngwa land, if the men have the political will, connections and financial ability within the local government areas, will be motivated to campaign for their concubines to be part to political offices within that local government irrespective of their intellectual and political understanding to deliver. As this continues, he observed, that it could lead to a situation where mediocrity replaces meritocracy within the community leadership9. Nwachi supported this argument, that sexual abuse of women within the practice of concubinage in the area of study will not allow them to fit into position of authority to enable them bring out ideas for the development of the various communities in Ngwa land. When they are sexually stressed all the time because of their allegiance to their men who could be tied to such men, who often control their decisions 10. Achibiri expressed that this practice is capable of making women weak to political activities in Ngwa land which does not encourage the empowerment of women politically as the case may be 11. The extensive focus on women's place in the political history of Nigeria as a necessary context for this work is justified by a recognition of the fact that the "religious level is inseparable from the political". African women theologians recognize that besides all these socio-economic and political ills shared with men and other exploited peoples, African women suffer additional, peculiar cultural and religious legacies12. Anne Nasimiyu Wasike wrote: African Christian women inherited all the burdens of biases and discriminations of Western Christian culture against women in addition to their own cultural and social disabilities. Consequently, they are "much more critical in their approach to both Christianity and African culture. No doubt, this is because women have a different experience than men who are privileged by both Christianity and African cultural religion. They are highly conscious of the fact that religion shapes the whole life and culture in Africa. Consequently, the content of their theology explore the ramifications of the various experiences of women in African Culture , among many other things pertaining to subordination, with particular reference to political and cultic leadership, that is, the exclusion of women from positions of governance, decision- making; secular and religious cultures, as well as Christianity. In relations to these foci, they also examine issues of exuality and that of concubines, marriage, prostitution and polygamy, on the other hand; and daily life rituals and rites of passage related to births and naming; adulthood and marriage; death and widowhood, on the other hand. They raise other issues ranging from denial of inheritance, rights to corporal and psychological abuse of women's human dignity. These are some of the ways African women's oppression is culturally transmitted and reinforced by religion. Accordingly, they speak of the resilence of the associated religious beliefs, taboos and cultural practices despite, or perhaps, aided by religious faiths. Nwahiri traces the negative impact also to the family structure in Ngwa land. He relates that family structures are the bed rock of recognition and privileges that communities in the area of study accords to individuals and that the issue of having concubines might affect such a family badly and bring division in such families, if the practice is not controlled on time. The man might lose recognition by his kinsmen and the role of women and status undermined14. To this extend, the researcher was led into examining the power of women in family structure in the African context and status within the communities therein. Women in Africa play dominant roles in the family. The family in turn affects the status of the woman. This is not different in Ngwa land. Okezie agrees that men control the decisions of women within the study area and such opportunities give men upper hand in family management. The family dictates most of the norms that affect women. If the family accords the proper respect and dignity to women, society will do the same and women will be empowered to contribute their utmost to the development of the society at various levels15. The prevalent family type in south-east Nigeria (among the Igbo, which encompass that of Ngwa land) is the extended family, which is characterised by extensive kinship network of reciprocal social and economic obligation. Among the Ngwa, ties of kinship are strongly sustained as the dominant concern of everyday life in the extended family structure and each member is his/her Kim's keeper. Consequently, there emerges a system of vital mutual socially constituted, shared and transmitted cultural support system among members of the extended family system (EFS). In Ngwa communities, the EFS exercise some controlling authority over its members, commands their loyalty and demands strict adherence to the norms and practices of mutual aid. Every member of the EFS has a status, rights and obligations, and enjoys the sense of security, which comes from these16. Masha and Hunge referred to the system as "Nigeria's" own type of social insurance for old age and welfare of members of the extended family". In the southeast of Nigeria where Ngwa land is located,, there are patrillineal and matrilineal communities, but the EFS (extended family system) remains a dominant feature in both17. Various forces and norms concubine in the engineering and sustainability of the EFS in Ngwa land. The EFS in Ngwa land. The two most dominant and potent of these forces are the kindred men (umunna) and daughters of the lineage (umuada). These are people whose genealogical relationship can be traced to a common ancestry. While the umunna (men) constitute the strongest and most effective means of managing issues, including law and order in the kindred, umuada is the strongest women group vested with the age-long powwer of perpetuating the EFS norms, including various forms of traditional practices. By virtue of their position a daughters of the lineage, the "umuada" wield enormous power. Recognition d respect from all members of a given kindred, including the "umunna" and wives of the lineage (inyomdi or indinwunyue-di). In any Igbo community, "the powers of umuada are enormous and they are even very much feared by men of their kindred (umunna), especially in matters affecting deaths, burial rites, marriage and settings of conflicts existing among their men. They constitute essential instrument of an organized system of government n Igbo land. The "umuada" are empowered to execute and perpetuate the traditional practices and norms which are sometimes harmful, hindering rather than enhancing development at the grass roots level. The exercise of their power is often manifested in their roles or activities during funerals, widowhood rites, traditional marriage ceremonies, conflict resolution, and other kindred activities. In the process of wielding their age-long powers, the "umuada" often harass, intimidate, punish and sanction people, including imposition.of levels and making of threatening demands on members of the kindred18. To this extent, the position of Nwahiri is justified on account of family division and status relegation which umuada in extended family system are poised to protect. Again, sexually transmitted diseases (STDS) pose a threat to the general health, well -being and reproductive capacity of sizable number of people engaged in this practuce. Individual STD risk various according to age, sex, ethnicity and geographical location19. Nwaja, attributed the scenario where the sexual transmitted diseases is on high increase in our communities to be on too much changing of sex partners "lovers" as the case may be. Positive Impact: In describing the positive impact of this practice in the area of study, Eze Nwaguru has noted that there is not much impact positively, except that it could satisfy the sexual urge or desires of the players and at times pull women together to help in family matters as the case may be. They could form part of "umuada" in the communities and play vital roles in societal development. He stresses that, as society becomes more complex and new problems arise the "umuada" as a powerful institution at the grass roots level may necessarily become involved in problem solving at this level21. Another traditional ruler in the area, Eze Ogbonnaya, observed the responses on the ways "umuada" still exercise power in conflict resolution through the promotion of dialogues among "umunna" (men of kindred), judge and settle disputes between couples and co-wives, among the umunna. They could judge and settle land disputes in the kindred. They could also discipline offending kindred members through fines and sanctions and among the brothers (members of umunna) who could be hostile to their wives without cause, effect the separation of a misbehaving wife from husband their brother), and the promotion of kindred solidarity and peace22. Responses on innovative ways through which "umuada" can extend their power to economic spheres includes; (a) Engaging in income-generating enterprises as group; (b) Encouraging widows to engage in income-generating enterprises (c) Mobilization of "umuada" for kindred -based enterprises. (d) Engaging in thrift savings (e) promotion of human capital development through the promotion of education of the youth in the kindred. (f) Investing the money they collect during kindred- based ceremonies on viable ventures23. They should responsible for training their female children so as to break the vicious circle of ignorance and poverty among women in the grass roots communities. Discussants like Emenike and Ikechukwu agreed that it is only an educated group of "umuada" from "co-wives" who can operate in the institution for grass roots development. In another development but very relevant to the issue could be in the area of custom and tradition. Custom could be seen as a behaviour or practice which has been in existence in a given place for a long time and has assumed the form of standard for action. In another explanation of the matter, the "dictionary of sociology" defines customs as a folkway, or form of social behaviour that, having persisted for a long period of time, is well established in a society and has been traditional and has also received some degree of formal recognition. Tradition on the other hand, according to the same "dictionary" sees traditon, in it's literary sense, as referring to any human practice, belief, institution or artifact, which is handed down from one generation to the next. While the content of tradition is highly variable, it typically refers to some elements of culture regarded as part of the common inheritance of a social group25. Among the Igbo of South Eastern Nigeria, customs and traditions are held in very high esteem. They are revered and respected and remain sacrosanct. The average Igbo man is enmeshed in his customs and tradition, likewise an Ngwa man or woman. The Ngwa society has developed mechanisms which reinforce and ensure that individual conform to collective norms and values of their society. In other words, the Ngwa guide and guard their customs and traditons with utmost jealousy. The findings on harmful traditional practices are important, since they are often injurious to health. These practices include, among others, various forms of discrimination against the girl-child female genital mutilation 26. Since the "umuada" are influential, they can move for a modification of the traditional practices which hinder rather than promote health. Mr. Chidi admits that "some traditions" are permissive with regard to extramarital relationship by men (umunna), with the backing of umuada. This is to create a situation of allowing the men to raise up their own children in case their wives are unable to bear children for them, for the purpose concubinage practice are allowed d seen positively by these group of people within the area27. Emmanuel Nwalozie confirmed that some men in Ngwa land do not need to be told to look for concubines who might be lucky to be pregnant for their men when their wives could not raise children having waited for years. These concubines are later turned to be their co-wives which is a good development so that they will care for them and their children under the umbrella of the family structure and protection 28. According Mr. Chimezie, women who could be wasting as a result of unemployment or lack of financial assistance could have a man in their lives who might decide to take care of them, they may later turn to assist such men later29. Achibiri on his own contributed that they need to extend their age -long powers beyond the traditional practices into the economic, health and political spheres for the purpose of promoting development. They need to modify their stratefies, drop some old ones, so that they could remain relevant even within the practice of the institution under review in grass root communities which are presently being challenged in various ways such as they assisted their men in farming in those days, in order to positively handle gender issues and traditional/ cultural factors 30. ENDNOTES 1. Ihejirika Madi, Negotiating power and privilege: Ngwa career women in contemporary Nigeria (Enugu: Esther Thompson, 1998), PP. 125- 126 2. Ugonwa Anyakoha, Extending the frontiers of the Age -long powers of women in South -East Nigeria for Grassroot Development (Nigeria: Cesis publishers, 2001), PP. 87-88 3. Oral Interview ith Eze E. N. Nwaguru, Traditional Ruler, Isiala Ihie Autonomous Community in Ugwunagbo, 19/09/2023 4. Mr. Emmanuel Ezenwa, interviewed on 1/1/ 2023 at Okpara lane, Aba. 5. Stella Uloma, interviewed on 1/1/ 2023 at Ariaria, Aba 6. Ugonwa Anyakoha, 2001, PP. 92-93. 7. Oral Interview ith E. N. Nwahiri, 16/1/2023 8. Oral Interview with Ikechukwu Daniel, a trader in Ohanze Obingwa, 17/1/2023 9. Friday Nworu, interviewed on 21/1/2023 at umuafohe, Abia, Aba. 10. B. N. Nwachi, interviewed on 20/1/2023 at Community High School, Abia, Aba North. 11. Monday Achibiri, interviewed on 21/1/2023 at Ugwunagbo 12. Amadiume, Gender and sex in Igbo society (London: zeal Books LTD), PP. 44-45 13. Anne N. Wasike, African Christian Women and African Culture (Nigeria: Ibadan: conxton press, 1999), PP. 121 - 125 14. Tony Nwahiri, interviewed on 02/03/2023 at Ihie, Ugwunagbo 15. Okezie Onyekachi, interviewed n 05/03/2023 at Obohia, Aba South. 16. I. Madi, 1998, PP. 141-143. 17. B. Masha and F. Hunge, African family system and culture (Lagos: Linds publisher 2001), PP.37- 38. 18. Anyakoha, "The status of Extended family system in Nigeria and it's implications for the social security of the Aged: a case study of Abia State in Nigeria" in the social Science council of Nigeria, 1991, PP. 24- 27 19. "African families and Aids; context, reactions and potential intervention". www.dspace-dev.anu.ed.org. 20. Nnamdi Nwaja, Interviewed on 02/03/2023 at Uratta, Aba South. 21. Oral Interview ith E. N. Ogbonnaya, 19/3/2023 22. Oral Interview with A. E Ogbonnaya, 22/3/2023 23. N. N. Osakwe, (e.d.c), "the processes of the indigenous communicative teaching of core subjects and Gender mainstreaming in Igbo societies" UNICEF Resources papers for teachers (Lagos: literamed publications, LTD), pp. 129- 131 24. Emenike and Emmanuel Ikechukwu, interviewed on 02/03/2023 at Uratta, Aba South. 25. O. E Ugo, "women, customs and traditons in Igbo land" the Journal of Igbo Affairs vol. 2, 2006, PP. 64- 65 26. Oral Interview with Eze Ogbonna, Autonomous ruler, Amaukwu in Aba South L.G.A 20/9/2023. 27. Mr. Chidi Anele, interviewed on 05/05/2023 at Hospital road, Aba. 28. Emmanuel Nwalozie, interviewed on 3/05/2023 at Nipost office, Central Park Rd, Aba. 29. Mr. E. Chimezie, interviewed on Sunday papers branch office, St.Michaels Rd, Aba. 30. Monday Achibiri, interviewed on 2/3/2023 at Ugwunagbo. CHAPTER FIVE CONTINUITY AND CHANGE IN THE PRACTICE The continuous practice of concubinage within the communities in Ngwa land could, as a matter of fact, depend on the socio-economic status and gender inequality. Issues of socio-economic status, specifically the intersection of economic and gender inequality, featured in accounts of their extramarital relationships. Most often, a man's relationship to his female lover included an expectation that the man provides certain kinds of economic support. Men frequently view extramarital relationships as arenas for the expression of economic and masculine status. Indeed, it is necessary to understand the intertwining of masculinity and wealth, gender, including economics, more generally to make sense of the most common forms of extramarital sexual relationships in the area of study1. EXPLAINING THE CONTINUITY Although it is not uncommon to hear men boast about their sexual exploits to their peers frequently alluding to styles and practices that are considered simultaneously wild and modern, another strand of discourse emerges when men explain their motivations. Many men reported that they enjoyed the feeling of taking care of another woman, of being able to provide her with material and social comforts and luxuries. In a candid discussion over peers with several men about men's motives for extramarital lovers, a 46 year old man known among his peers as "one man show" for his penchant for keeping multiple young women, explained, "it's not only about sex. I like to buy them things, take them to nice places, give them good meals and make them feel they are being taken care of. I like the feeling of satisfaction that comes from taking care of women, providing for them"2. Iheoma explains that since some women like material things and could be influenced with money when needed by these men as concubines, he doesn't see any blockade towards the continuity of this practice even in the study area3. It is clear that men with money have easier access to land, it seems that more frequent extramarital sex, leads to having concubines. Chioma Ajuru in her contribution towards this, explains that provided some rich men in Ngwa land desire to keep concubines outside of their wives and families, they will always have access to these female concubines because they needed money to make progress to their various trades. You know that money gives you access to many things of life so is likewise the love to keep concubines most especially the one money is so much involved; she continued4. Onyekachi believes that the continuity of concubinage in Ngwa could be of materialistic desires by these women (concubines). They like people that are rich and well doing, without minding whetthet such men are married or not. These men often spends much money in maintaining these concubines even at the expense of their families since they have control over their wives and families n such decisions5. But poorer men engage in extramarital sex as well, and their relationships with female partners also typically include some form of transaction, whether it is paying for sex or giving gifts to a girlfriend, albeit at a lower financial level than that of the more elite men. Although there is no doubt that the desire to forge and present a modern masculinity identity combines issues of economics and gender, not all men's extramarital relationships can be easily explained in these terms. Some men have han occasional extramarital sexual liaisons that appeared to be about little more than sex. In a few cases, men were genuinely unhappy in their marriages, and in rare instances,, fell in love with their extramarital partners. But by and large, most men tend to see their marriages, and in their minds, extramarital relationshipspose no threat to a marriage, so long as they were kept secret from wives, and so long as they did not waste much resources on concubines such that they neglected their obligation to their wives and families6. Akachi in Ihie, Ugwunagbo,observes in his explanation that among Ngwa men who have extramarital partners and concubines, the terms of the relationships differ. Some clearly shows off their girlfriends/concubines to make peers and enjoy the social status that occures in certain types of predominantly male social settings; others keep their affairs secret from their peers7. To Chinenye Ohiri, many men see the separations caused by work-related mobility and migration as creating need and opportunity and providing a justification for extramarital sex; others have partners who live closer to their marriage homes while their wives could be far away as a result of working distance8. Victor Iheanocho supported this fact that some men in Ngwa who have their works so far from their community where their families stay do use the opportunity to indulge in concubinage since their families stay are not close to them. As far as he is concerned, once this scenario continues, the practice of concubinage will also continue among the Ngwa men9. Since it is noted that the terms of relationships differ, the continued importance of ties to family and community and ongoing concerns about the collective expectations of wider social networks permeate people's stories of modern courtship, the resolution of marital disputes, child rearing and keeping of concubines among all the social engagements. People tend to emphasize the primacy of the individual couple, often in conscious opposition to the constraints imposed by ties to kinship and community10. Omenihu noted that some Ngwa men do not regard the constraint from their kinsmen in bringing their concubines home when they have been offender by their wives character. To them, no one should dictate what should go on in their houses, as they are owners of their homes11. Kelechi, a traditional title holder in Osisioma Ngwa clearly stated that some men do use the practice of concubinage as a relief to their quarrelsome wives at home. A situation where women who posed as wives do not fulfil their marital obligations such as satisfying their men sexually could lead them in a situation of keeping concubines to have their way. In that incident, the continuity of the practice will be there, he pointed out12. In the same vein, It is noted that the cultural significance of the male headship of homes does not helpattets towards the practice of concubinage in Ngwa land. The people who can afford a lot of apartments or some comfortable rooms for their concubines within their residential homes do not mind to bring in their concubines around because culturally and otherwise, they are in charge of their homes and no one will restrict them from doing what they want to do13. Ezichi corroborated is argument by saying that the men are always in charge by dishing out policies to be executed by their wives and other members of their families and in the process of trying to indulge in concubinage practice, there may be no one to oppose their man or restrict them from such decision of theirs14. This research has shown the extent regarding the role of women, that they tend to have a say in economic, political and religious matters and this was something guaranteed by customary law. The issue of the role of women in the process of development is currently receiving accelerated attention, particularly in the developing nation's. This is true of Nigeria, as well as Ngwa land, where the activities of women have been in a continuous uccession of changes as result of Christianity, Western Culture and modernization. Throughout Nigeria, women as a force are asserting their rights more today by calling for the recognition of the importance of the roles they have played traditionally towards the moral, religious, social, economic and political development of the nation. In the past, women played a significant role in the socio-political, religious and economic institutions in Nigeria. It's noticeable that exploits performed by women are a preponderant feature in African legends and historical traditions16. The modernization and enlightenment, which came as a result of progress in education and growing political awareness inNgwaland, have a great deal of impact on concubinage practice in the study area. With the spread of Western education, there were improvements in various aspects of life, and an increased political awareness among the people. Furthermore, there was a great influx of people from the rural areas to the urban centres in search of job opportunities and better social and economic prospects. As a large number of people from Ngwa communities moved to a small number of rapidly growing cites in Nigeria, the fabric of life and attitudes changed massively in urban and rural places in unforeseen ways17. According to utibe, " with cites acting as centres of interaction contributed to the development of national feelings, political and national ideas grew and spread in the cites18. Urban dwellers, Chidi noted, carried with them these ideas to their villages and ethnic communities and that Ngwa land was not an exception as people brought in ideas too, thus connecting the city with the countryside19. Paul Nwanna disclosed that the spread of Western education and introduction of Christianity affected the concubinage practice in Ngwa land as people started recognizing the sanctity of marriage and keeping their marital vows to their partners. As people started adapting Western style of education, they started reading and writing and graduate with degrees which tend to fetch them jobs in order to depend on their earnings and not their concubine partners, he noted20. The attitude towards sexuality and marriages you can see that the emphasies for one man one wife sees to have bearing unlike in those days that polygamy seems to be the order of the day. The modern marriages which is beginning to offer women greater autonomy and equality and therefore making monogamy the prevalent tend in Ngwa, establishing marital residence independent of kin and nuclear household organization. The women's increasing education in the study area and participation in the study area and participation in the formal workforce as more people migrate to cites and the rise of love as an important rationale in the selection of a spouse all suggests the possibility of growing gender equality n marriage22. Despite significant changes over the past several decades that have placed strains on traditional systems of social organization, ties of kinship and community remain powerful among the Ngwa people and their migrant brethren. Perhaps,the most concise way to contrast modern Ngwa marriages with the past is to note that young couples see their marriages as a life project in which they as couple are the primary actors, where more obviously embedded in the structures of the extended family23. Nwaneri emphasized that the differences are most pronounced in narratives about courtship, in the way husbands and wives describe how they resolve marital quarrels and in the way they make decisions about and contribute to their children's education. In each of these arenas, people in more modern marriages tend to emphasize the primacy of the individual couple, often in conscious opposition to the constraints imposed by ties to kinship and community24. Apart from these changes, the issues of unwanted pregnancies and other sexually related diseases might likely pose a threat to concubinage practice in the study area as research has shown. The number of sexual partners is considered a prime indicator of the contract rate between infected and susceptible individuals. Even in geographical regions with high STD rates, there will be little transmission of STD's between population subgroups in those regions if they do not have overlapping sexual networks. There are both biological and behavioural aspects to the probability that infection will occur in the case of sexual contact between a susceptible and infected partner as women are biologically more susceptible to infection than men25. Nwokeabia observes that in the study area, sexually transmitted diseases (STDs) pose a threat to the general health, well being and reproductive capacity of a sizable number of people engaged in this practice and that there have been a general decline of the practice in Ngwa for this26. It is to be noted therefore, that marriage has become a recognised institution, by which women could validate their status in Ngwa society. The modernization and enlightenment, which came as a result of progress in education and growing religious teachings had have a great deal of impact on Ngwa society. The fact that modern marriages in Ngwa societies remain a resolutely social endeavour created contradictions for younger couples, who must navigate not only their individual relationships but also the outward representation of their marriages to kin and community24. Most couples seek to portray their marriages to themselves and to others as being modern but also moral and this is crucial to explaining the dynamics of men's extramarital sexual relationships, married women's responses to men's infidelity and the risk of HIV infection in marriage, as these offer examplary changes to the practice of the institution the study area. ENDNOTES 1. Uko Utibe, "marriage and the Igbo way" This Day July 26, 2002, PP. 26-27 2. Oral Interview with Mr. Aniele aged 46, business leader in Aba South L.G.A, 26/3/23 3. Iheoma Chikere, interviewed on 5/3/23 at Aba recreation club, Aba 4. Chioma Ajuru, interviewed on 02/03/23 at New Market, Ngwa Rd, Aba 5. Onyekachi Akoma, Interviewed n 8/3/23 at Umuibe in Obingwa 6. E. Aja, "changing moral values in South East Nigeria and Africa: An essay in Ethical relativism" The Journal of Value Inquiry Vol. 31(4), 1997, PP. 531- 534 7. Akachi Mmereonye interviewed on 5/ 3/23 at Ihie, Ugwunagbo 8. Chinenye Ohiri, Interviewed on 2/3/23 at Community Girls Ndiolumgbe, Isiala Ngwa South L.G.A 9. Victor Iheanacho interviewed on 05/03/23 at Ihie, Ugwunagbo 10. "Marriage, love and relationships among Igbos". www.csus.edu/org. 11. A. Omenihu, interviewed on 04/ 05/23 at council hall, Uratta, Aba South L.G.A 12. Oral Interview with Chief Kelechi Nwobilor a business man in Osisioma Ngwa L.G.A, 04/03/23 13. Oral Interview with Chief Johnson Akwara, Adult community leader in Obingwa, 24/3/23 14. Friday Ezichi, 24/3/23 15. Chief Johnson Akwara 24/3/23 16. Daniel Smith, Modern marriage men's Extramarital sex and HIV Risk in South Eastern Nigeria (brown city: 17. Nnausa blogcast.com 18. Uko Utibe, 2002, p.34 19. Mr. Chidi Ukwu, interviewed on 11/3/23 at Stephen's Bookshop, St. Michael's road, Aba. 20. Oral Interview with Paul Nnanna, clergyman with Assemblies of God, Holwly wood crescent, Aba, 09/3/23 21. Chinonso Anazodo, interviewed on 9/3/23 at Jaja avenue, Aba South L.G.A 22. Chief Anthony Nwankpa, interviewed on 12/03/23 at Wilcox College, Ogbor Hill, Aba. 23. E. N. Akwaranwa, A politico- cultural history of Ngwa and Ukwa People of Abia State, PP. 52-53 24. Charles Nwaneri, interviewed on 11/3/23 at Niger creatives, PH Rd in Aba South L.G.A 25. Daniel Smith, 2001, PP. 45-46 26. Okwudiri Nwokeabia, interviewed on 12/03/23 at Amaukwu, in Ugwwwnagbo 27. Victor Uchendu, 1990, PP. 61-63 CHAPTER FIVE SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION The researchjas shown that concubinage practice in Ngwa land can be traced to conflicts in socio-economic status and gender inequality or oppression, both of which heavily influence it's continued existence. Concubine relationships in Ngwa land is based on the power that one person has over another. Typically, a concubine has limited rights and freedoms and the person they are with is of a higher social status. Concubinage has, at different times throughout history, been openly endorsed by society and taken as sign of the social elite. It is based on patriarchal system of ideals; the concubine is usually a female even in the study area. Bb research found out that the Igbo perception of sexuality and gender relations as shown to be of similarity with of their ideas about marriage, objectives of marriage, notions about appropriate male and female sexual behaviors prior to marriage and within marriage. More specifically, the research found that issues of ages, fertility, and gendered power relations informed specific notions of masculinity and feminity. Although no one who understands the power of culture and religion dare challenge this norm, we must understand that some cultural and religious norms have led to the neglect, and sometimes acceptance of violation of women's reproductive and human rights. One of the Millennium Development Goals adopted unanimously by the United Nations in September 2000, which Nigeria is a signatory to, is to promote gender equality and empower women. One of the aims is to achieve equality in the ratio of girls to boys in schools. His needs to be pursued assiduously by governments. Unfortunately, some of the rights of women as advocated by some human rights documents, are not enforced and are not justiciable in Nigeria. Experience, however, has shown that female education, gainful employment of women and improved earnings have radically changed some perspectives of Igbo culture in issues affecting women and in particular that of Ngwa land for example in previous decades, parents and families have greatly influenced the choice of partner and place of marriage for their daughter. They even forbade marriages outside towns or neighboring towns (Nwanyi-mba). The situation has now changed totally with cross - country and inter ethnic marriages being accepted and tolerated by parents when their daughters make the choice. This is seen as a way of discouraging many of them who might otherwise become concubines. This has been made possible by urbanization, migration, education and employment, which have to a great extent, empowered women to make their choices without undue parental interferences. This also suggests that some cultural practices that deny women of their rights can be changed. It also underscores the need for female education as an entry point to preventing gender based violence and the va